Blogs: Bill Clinton’s Kryptonite
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 13th, 2007 10:45 amLet me throw out a counterfactual.
If we had had blogs when Bill Clinton was President, he would have been a lot less effective and his approval ratings lower.
Bloggers, who shape more and more of the coverage, deal largely in the printed word. Until YouTube, video was utterly irrelevant to our commentary. Even now, a well-informed blogger can go through an entire day without turning on the TV and watching the speech for him or herself.
On the whole, this will tend to devalue eloquence, smooth-talk, whatever you want to call it. It will reward the politician who is clear, direct, and succinct, whose words make sense in 12-point Times New Roman.
I think this is part of why Mitt Romney is having a hard time escaping the flip-flopper charge, something that also dogged Bill Clinton. Yes, he’s a Republican, so he doesn’t get media brownie points. There are also the YouTube-style ambushes you just wouldn’t have seen in 1992. (There was an amusing scene in The War Room in which Carville et al. were debating whether to use footage of Bush signs being made in Brazil that some volunteer taped off a college public access channel. That wouldn’t be up for discussion in 2008. Someone would have YouTubed it.)
But an overlooked point is that we now have an entire class of opinion leaders that look to the text-driven Internet, not television, to shape their coverage. To a large degree, these opinion leaders will be immune from the charms of a Clinton or a Romney. Political reporters themselves are probably less reliant on TV day-to-day, trolling the blogosphere for storylines. I often regarded the TV on all the time at campaign headquarters as background noise, secondary to my online information diet.
Politicians who are very good on TV will still have an advantage. Lots of voters still get their information this way. But it’s an advantage that will be blunted by the authentic, no-frills nature of the Web, where the most succinct messages get the highest clickthroughs and where it’s easier to hold high-flying pols accountable. That tendency will tend to inflect mainstream coverage over time.
Take the uproar over Clinton’s outburst on Fox News last year. In the pre-Internet era, it’s more likely that Clinton would have had the last word. Or that he would have been matched by equally overheated conservative TV pundits, rendering it a wash. Or, even worse, that the face of the Republican response would have been some untelegenic GOP Senators bemoaning the incivility of it all. All played out on television, where Clinton had an inherent advantage.
It’s precisely because we had a grassroots medium to ridicule Bill’s staged outrage that its impact was blunted. At the same time, we had a substantive debate on the Clinton record on terrorism, which we wouldn’t have had on cable news. This has an inherently leveling effect against planned media offensives by telegenic pols.
It’s also harder to smear bloggers in the same way you can attack TV and radio personalities. The First Law of New Media goes like this: “Never get into an argument with a blogger. You won’t win.” Think Progress regularly attacks O’Reilly, Rush, and other elements of the VRWC, but it’s laughable when they try and go after the “rightwing” Power Line guys. The Clintons perfected the “attack the messenger” strategy while in office. How well will it work with bloggers, who still have a heavy underdog streak? How would they have handled CBS memogate differently? Would they have attempted to smear Scott Johnson as a tool of rightwingthinktanks and Free Republic as inherently not credible? This might have worked in a media-scarce 1992 environment with the MSM to carry their water, but not as well with pesky bloggers demanding a substantive response.
Remember that it was Drudge that first bedeviled the Clinton media operation. Clinton II’s worst nightmare isn’t Drudge, but a thousand mini-Drudges you can’t fully track or demonize.
I should note that I don’t think this entire analysis applies to Hillary. It’s clear that she’s adopted the hard-edged, more partisan style of the netroots and doesn’t share her husband’s rhetorical gifts. So she will be comparatively more effective in the new partisan media environment than she would be in the dying TV marketplace.
But the point that blogs are Bill Clinton’s kryptonite still stands.
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links for 2007-11-13
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 13th, 2007 8:20 am
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links for 2007-11-11
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 11th, 2007 8:18 am
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links for 2007-11-10
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 10th, 2007 8:18 am-
“The bill was about $157 and the tip was $100.”
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The one point on which moderates and conservatives seem to agree is that their party overplayed the illegal immigration issue. “They went for a magic bullet with immigration, and it didn’t work,” says a conservative strategist who doesn’t want his name us
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links for 2007-11-09
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 9th, 2007 8:19 am
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links for 2007-11-08
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 8th, 2007 8:23 am
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VA: Fire the Consultants
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 7th, 2007 10:52 amLast night, the Democrats took the Virginia Senate on the back of the GOP’s collapsing brand in Northern Virginia, where I live.
I don’t pretend to be an expert on Virginia politics. My focus is national. So this post will largely be observational, as I did little more than watch the ads, which were ubiqituous on cable thanks to the more than half a dozen competitive races in the region.
First: It’s time to fire the consultants who ran the same ImmigrationTaxesImmigrationTaxes cookie cutter race in every district, using the same message that killed Jerry Kilgore in Northern Virginia two years ago. So Ken Cuccinelli survived… by 90 votes… against a laughable opponent the Washington Post wouldn’t even endorse.
Second: Cutting and running from the GOP is even worse. Jeannemarie Devolites Davis’ anti-gun ad flopped, leading to the most lopsided unseating of the night. Didn’t 2006 teach us that there is no refuge for the Chafees and DeWines of the world when the GOP fails to advance an aggressive agenda?
Third: The days of Tom Davis giving us lectures about how to win elections in NoVa are over. See #2. (Yes, that was his wife.)
It’s time to say what needs to be said. Whether they were running to the right (Cuccinelli) or to the left (Devolites Davis), Republican Senate incumbents were running campaigns out of touch with the Northern Virginia electorate, whose bugaboos right now are traffic congestion and education.
The voters aren’t much interested in slash-and-burn attacks on illegal immigration or revisiting the wedge issues of ’80s and ’90s (the death penalty for Kilgore; guns for Davis).
Hitting hard on immigration might make sense in a place like MA-5 which doesn’t have a huge immigrant population, yet. But unfortunately, Republicans in Virginia are running on messages that are about a decade late. This isn’t your father’s Fairfax County anymore. The fact that there were a tangle of elderly Asian immigrants ahead of me in the voting line today requesting help filling out their English-only ballots is testament to it.
Now, don’t count me as a Tom Davis squish on this. Instead of applying blunt force on the immigration issue in a diverse community, you zero in on the illegal immigration-related quality of life concerns that 90% of the electorate can identify with, like the scourge of MS-13 gang violence in the region. Were I running in Northern Virginia, I wouldn’t mention the words “illegal immigration.” I would talk exclusively about MS-13, and about working with ICE to deport every violent criminal in the area illegally. This is the fatal mistake that ex-prosecutor Jerry Kilgore made in 2005 — and the GOP candidates this time around didn’t do much better.
Likewise, running a 1988-style campaign on “taxes” is too vague and diffuse. Zero in on the real source of taxpayer ire: rising property tax assessments. And tie it to competence. The housing boom was a veritable revenue bonanza for local governments, with double digit revenue growth year on year. At the state level, Mark Warner raised taxes. And even with state and local governments drowning in revenue, they still can’t build roads, they still can’t educate kids, they still can’t get things done. And now Tim Kaine and the Democrats want even more. Tim Kaine and the Democrats. Incompetent. Unaccountable. Arrogant.
Finally, traffic is the new wedge issue — on both sides. In the 2002 tax increase referendum, we used environmental concerns (or they used us) to wedge advocates of higher taxes from liberal inner suburbanites who ride Metro. In 2005, the Democrats used long commutes to pry away out outer suburbanites who would gladly pay more taxes for an extra half-hour with their families. We need to highlight the inherent fissures within the Democratic coalition again. And at a minimum, hold Democrats accountable for their promises on traffic and road-building. The RPV needs to launch a “Tim Kaine Commute-o-Meter” tallying the rise in the total commute for Northern Virginia drivers since Kaine took office. And our message could look something like this: Democrats like _____ are in the pocket of extreme, pro-regulatory special interests. They won’t build the roads we need to solve the traffic crisis.
Running on recycled political consultant wish lists failed. Running against the party failed. Why not try something different next time: offering principled conservative solutions to the things voters are actually concerned about?
Would any soon-to-be defenestrated Virginia Republican disagree?
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links for 2007-11-07
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 7th, 2007 8:19 am
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A Poll for All Ron Paul Supporters
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 6th, 2007 6:32 pmThis poll is for Ron Paul supporters ONLY. Because I’m curious.
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What Ron Paul’s $4.3M Means
by Patrick Ruffini :: November 6th, 2007 9:42 amI was heads-down on a project yesterday afternoon, so I barely had time to notice that it was November 5th. When a reporter emailed for my thoughts on Ron Paul’s fundraising day, I remembered and scurried over to RonPaulGraphs.com, and promptly jumped out of my chair thinking, “Holy s—. It worked.”
It was easy to miss “This November 5th.” I only found it through my deep dive into Ron Paul fundraising stats. It wasn’t that well advertised, outside the Ron Paul forums and blogs. And yet it became the single biggest fundraiser in online political history.
Two points of significance:
- This is the first successful application of a fundraising tactic that beats email or an online-exclusive announcement. November 5th wasn’t a huge primary win or a big media hit. His supporters basically willed it into existence.
- This shows what a healthy, functioning relationship between a campaign and its grassroots actually looks like.
First off, I can guarantee you that every campaign is going to be thinking of how they can do something like this on their own. They might not be able to count on as much money because of the sheer strength of Paul’s online support, but the differential between email and a roadblocked fundraising day is going to make them sit up and take notice.
Commoditizing this and bringing it in house entirely misses the point.
November 5th wasn’t a genius idea thought up by Ron Paul’s inner circle. It came from the grassroots. Why don’t campaigns initiate more of this stuff? Because the odds are that supporters are the ones who will be coming up with most of the new ideas, not you. Trippi’s axiom about 600,000 online supporters being smarter than 200 people in Burlington still applies. Campaigns succeed not by appropriating the good ideas from the grassroots, but by giving them license to flourish outside the campaign walls, and showing their thanks and appreciation when they actually do work.
There are certain things that mass emails do well. Something like this isn’t one of them. Things like this require a zeal and an intensity and an iterativeness that can only be found in trace amounts in any campaign-sponsored venue. Campaign emails can be successful if the response rate is tiny. Obama could send an email announcing his own fundraising day; a certain percentage will pledge, and a certain percentage of those will follow through. Because email is an inherently transactional medium, the numbers aren’t likely to be as high relative to the size of the campaign.
By doing this out in the wild you can communicate an offbeat idea like this better, and flesh it out more. You can find concentrations of intent where a willingness to donate is astronomical — and create enough energy to suck more mass into that energized core.
And, obviously, you can only do it if you have an online grassroots base to do it with.
For all their online prowess, Hillary and Obama’s community is built primarily around their email lists. (That’s the way these relatively top-down campaigns like it.) You don’t have the constellation of grassroots supporter sites you had with Dean, where you’d have blogs and Yahoo Groups for the likes of East Bay Pet Lovers for Dean. Most critically (and tP’s Zephyr Teachout can speak to this) what made Dean different is that these groups got their due on the Dean blog. As a result of this symbiotic relationship, you had a virtuous circle of more people willing to create their own groups, and more inspiring grassroots stories to the campaign to highlight.
The Democratic candidates have steered clear of that this time around, for obvious reasons relating to the Dean collapse — though someone has yet to make a compelling case as to why having a support network like this led to Dean’s fall. (I was always under the impression it was the candidate…)
And by and large, that has seemed like a smart strategy. Until today, email has always outraised blogging and netroots fundraising. Better to centralize all support on the cumbersome, difficult-to-search My.BarackObama platform than have an unruly network of templated Blogger sites and Yahoo Groups.
Ironically, it’s Republicans who are turning to the grassroots to help build resilient networks of support that actually mean something in the stretch run of the primaries. They’re doing enough that they just might rewrite the “Dems winning online” meme. And it’s not just Ron Paul.
As Zephyr has thoroughly documented on TechPresident, Mike Huckabee is raising some serious coin online. He raised $1.1 million online in October and has set a goal for nearly $2.1 million in November.
Candidates like Paul and Huckabee are better able to capitalize on offline momentum because of the vibrant grassroots ecosystems that exist around them. These campaigns deliberately nurture these ecosystems not by bringing them in house, but by giving them prominent placement on their Web sites and access to inside dirt that was previously the province of finance staff only.
On the Huckabee site, you can add yourself to the Blogroll for Huckabee and get listed on MikeHuckabee.com. Ron Paul is using radical transparency to boost his fundraising numbers, building a cottage industry of addicts who will give money based on the ebb and flow of the figures posted on the Web site. It was probably because the campaign wasn’t on track to make its October goal that these activists were inspired to do something big on November 5th to catch up. Beyond the specific tactics, everything about the body language of these campaigns towards the grassroots is welcoming and open. If I’m sharing my live fundraising numbers with you and the rest of the world — on your terms, not mine — that shows that you’re important and you matter.
Now put yourself in the shoes of a Giuliani or a Romney or even a Clinton supporter. What is your incentive to create a grassroots network for these candidates? You’ll probably never get real recognition from the official campaign. The campaign will keep you at arms length. You won’t get access to the kind of raw data from the campaign that keeps you coming back and builds a real sense of investment in the cause. Speaking as someone who’s been on both sides of the campaign/grassroots divide, I can tell you that stuff like this matters. When I was building an online community for Bush in 2000, the traffic and notes of encouragement I got from people on the campaign was a huge motivator.
The end result of a campaign-only grassroots strategy will still be a Clinton/Obama/Giuliani/Romney voter. But it won’t be a Clinton/Obama/Giuliani/Romney advocate. You won’t get those critical first few evangelists you need to seed a community that can do a “This November 5th” or anything even close to it.
Grassroots enthusiasm is not something you can buy. The distinctiveness of a candidate’s message matters hugely — that’s why Ron Paul is important. But Huckabee’s message wasn’t different enough from Fred Thompson’s or Sam Brownback’s to spawn a flourishing online movement on its own. What the campaign did online mattered.
I was looking for a metric to illustrate the point about the relative sparseness of organically-driven candidate blogospheres this time around, and I think I’ve found it in a search on posts within the last thirty days on blogs titled “for [candidate name].” (Using just the candidate gave me a lot of spam.) Ron Paul is well past the tipping point but the divide among the other candidates is stark in its own right. Here are the numbers:
Ron Paul 1,744
Mike Huckabee 77
Mitt Romney 67
Fred Thompson 43
Barack Obama 39
Rudy Giuliani 18
Hillary Clinton 13
John Edwards 11
Bill Richardson 11
John McCain 7
Tom Tancredo 3
Chris Dodd 2
Joe Biden 0
Duncan Hunter 0
A few points here, then the wrap:
- This is just the tip of the iceberg. Lots of other candidate blogs out there. This is just the cleanest measure I could find.
- Ron Paul = network effect.
- Okay, so I was (maybe) a little too hard on Mitt earlier. The pro-Romney blogosphere is large and renowned, though some its key figures come directly from Romneyworld (Justin Hart, David French). These blogs have shown they can do great things (My Man Mitt raising $75K) when the campaign has given them the kind of tools I have described in this post.
- Is it just me, or is the lack of pro-candidate Democratic blogs striking? This is a whole other post, but there seems to be a pretty striking enthusiasm gap within the Democratic electorate between rank-and-file (largely women and minority) voters and the netroots. The netroots is completely AWOL in the Presidential primary.



















