links for 2008-01-24
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 24th, 2008 7:19 am
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The Thompson Postmortem
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 24th, 2008 12:12 amThis will be the first in a series of posts analyzing each of the Republican presidential candidates as they depart the race (or, in one case, somehow miraculously wind up with the nomination). I have asked some of the GOP’s brightest strategists to share their perspectives on what went wrong as candidates drop out, capping off with a tour-de-force “how they did it” post about the winner.
None of the strategists quoted in this series are affiliated with any Presidential campaign, and all will remain anonymous to get the benefit of their most candid insights. I’m doing this series of strategic debriefs not to bash the losers, but to glean lessons for our field in 2012 or ‘16.
First up is Fred Thompson, who left the race on Tuesday. Thompson entered the race in pole position and became the first candidate to drop out. It’s safe to say his candidacy failed to live up the hype. Why?
One strategist tells me Thompson lacked a central rational for running:
Fred Thompson’s failure to resonate with the GOP electorate comes down to a very fundamental problem: There was never a reason to vote for him. Ultimately, there has to be a reason for someone to run for president. Thompson never had a compelling reason to be president. Instead, he saw an opportunity to become president. Lacking a “fire-in-the-belly” reason to run for office leads one to campaign in a rather passive manner.
Another was short and sweet, tapping into the “laziness” meme: “He was lazy — not good for early states. So when conservatives tuned in, they sailed on the Huckabee ship instead.”
The Thompson people I know have been adamant about defending their guy from the “lazy” charge. (See Rich Galen’s column today for a perfect example.) In Thompson they genuinely saw a calm, substantive, almost Zen-like figure, reluctant to descend into the muck of Presidential politics. Though this self-image was certainly admirable, one GOP communications maven says that by trying to embrace that notion and make it his, Fred only made matters worse:
I know people trot out the thing about him not wanting to play the media’s game, but it seems to me that you can’t credibly run for one of the toughest jobs in the world if you cultivate (and I do mean cultivate) a reputation for laziness. Driving around a state fair in a golf cart, showing up late for all kinds of appearances, not spending anything near the amount of time other candidates are in early primary states… unfortunately, that kind of thing just doesn’t give off much confidence in someone’s ability to actually do the job in question, irrespective of how smart they might be, what good policies they might espouse, and what command they may have of information that’s fairly critical for a would-be president to possess.
Others go back to the summer and the well-known stories of Thompson staff bloodletting. Here’s what a source sympathetic to Fred but outside the campaign had to say:
Bottom line: the Thompson campaign did not have a clear chain of command and that resulted in a communications breakdown.
And:
The original campaign structure set out to be innovative in campaigning. The replacement structure tried to duplicate that, equating going on Leno and doing a video announcement with new and innovative. By the time the announcement rolled around, the campaign had descended into near inflexible bureaucracy — frequently pitting the candidate against his own campaign.
In the end, though, it comes down to this: Thompson is a terrible manager. He originally surrounded himself with good managers, but in establishing a campaign structure, those good managers were pushed out the door by worse managers, but better networkers.
My take: It’s difficult to disagree with the “lazy” and “fire in the belly” critiques. Voters don’t want someone maniacally obsessed with winning power, but they do expect intensity and focus. What some saw as substantive answers in the debates could easily be seen as rambling and overly Senatorial. Thompson supporters correctly point out that their man shares his laid-back style with fellow actor Ronald Reagan, but Reagan had moments like “I paid for this microphone!” Did Fred ever come close?
It’s a shame, because Thompson was a unique candidate shackled inside a cookie-cutter campaign. In this era of authenticity, communications and strategy people need to be prepared to sell the candidate as he actually is, no matter what that might be. If the goal was to showcase Thompson as substantive, then the remedy was to do two and three hour long town hall meetings. Instead, we had perfunctory campaigning that fatally undercut the substance argument.
I think the central lesson to be gleaned from the Thompson campaign is “trust your instincts.” When Thompson first teased us with running, his message was all about channeling conservative grassroots frustration. About listening to the grassroots who had been sold down the river on immigration and other issues, and taking dead aim at the enemies of conservatism, starting with Michael Moore and moving down the line. The great hope was that by deploying his sunny Hollywood persona with a dollop of conservative populism he would transcend the Giuliani/Romney/McCain lesser-of-evils fight. He promised us a different type of campaign that would use the Internet to end-run the liberal media.
This electrified the activist class and earned him virtually instantaneous frontrunner status. So what happens next? Everyone associated with the strategy that made Thompson the frontrunner is either fired or resigns, and is replaced by largely by conventional Washington insiders.
Though Thompson insiders warn it wasn’t that cut-and-dried, and that the original team did indeed have its share of greenhorns and duds, the point is that the original instinct was still the right one. The Fred Thompson from the Michael Moore video was the real deal, and post-September, he never showed up.
Thompson the candidate also never developed a message beyond that of being a checklist conservative. The problem is that people don’t vote for issues, they vote for the most compelling people. The wrong issue positions passionately felt beat the right ones rationally argued any day of the week. This is how an uneven, single-issue candidate like Huckabee could steal Thompson’s thunder so readily though Thompson was inarguably the better all-around conservative.
In his pre-candidacy, Thompson had a compelling argument about tackling the hard-to-fix issues like Social Security conventional politicians wouldn’t. Where was this during crunch time? Thompson’s message was more about covering all the bases rather than maxing out on the one or two issues that made him different from everyone else running.
Ultimately, the story of the Fred Thompson campaign will be one of authenticity and grassroots potential wasted on a cookie-cutter Washington campaign.
UPDATE: A reader sends in this very astute observation:
I think Fred’s biggest problem is that he was never a leader on any issue. He may have had the most conservative record overall but was seen as kind of average. Although he would be acceptable to social conservatives he was never outspoken like Huckabee was about abortion, gay marriage etc. His fiscal record was good but he could not compete with Romney as someone who understood the economy. He talked tough on security and the war but never led the charge while in the Senate to keep a strong military. So Fred’s real problem was that he never had his own base within the Republican party he just tried to chip some supporters away from the leaders.
That rings true, doesn’t it? Can anyone name an issue — even an obscure issue — on which Thompson led in his eight years in the U.S. Senate? Thompson may have been the best all-around conservative, but he couldn’t beat Giuliani/McCain on national security, Giuliani/Romney on the economy, or Huckabee on social issues, so he never stood out. Also, for those of you looking for proximate causes of demise, wasn’t Thompson’s refusal to embrace the Federal Marriage Amendment the tipping point which drove the FRC types and others into Huckabee’s camp? As I remember it, Huckabee got quite a bit of momentum out of that Values Voters straw poll.
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links for 2008-01-23
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 23rd, 2008 7:19 am-
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Subscribe to My Twitter Feed
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 22nd, 2008 11:26 pmEveryday, I spend more and more of my time “blogging” on Twitter, a global chat room that lets you tell the world what you’re doing in 140 characters or less. With a thriving community that includes @RobertBluey, @MarcAmbinder, @AnaMarieCox, @SorenDayton, @SeanHackbarth, @WilliamBeutler, @MarshallManson, @Flap and many more, I find it to be a great place to develop ideas that then get strung into longer blog posts.
Usually how it works is that a thought about the Presidential race or online media will pop into my head, and a few seconds later, it’s on Twitter. It lets you be raw and unfiltered in a way that not even a blog can.
If you’re a Twitter user, you can follow my updates via my Twitter profile. But I’d like to encourage those not on Twitter to follow me by subscribing to my newly burned RSS feed. Since I’ve never liked short-form blogging, Twitter is a whole new communications channel for me, one that I post to a dozen or more times a day. Think of it as the “DVD extras” of this blog.
I also cross post my blog entries and my del.icio.us links, making it the closest thing to a complete aggregator of my online activity that there is (for those of you who are gluttons for punishment).
To learn more, read about my successful experiment in aggregating Iowa Caucus results on Twitter, check out Politweets.com which aggregates Twitter updates on the Presidential candidates, and take a look at how journalists are using Twitter to report in real time.
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links for 2008-01-22
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 22nd, 2008 7:19 am-
I will be posting on this later this evening (last evening if you’re reading this on the blog).
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Kudos to @ScottKarp.
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Lose Valiantly and Win
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 21st, 2008 10:54 pmNow that Florida is upon us, the neverending debate about Rudy’s Florida strategy continues over at The Corner (McCarthy, Ponnuru, Steyn, Lowry). I think I agree with Ramesh:
Giuliani presumably didn’t think he can win any of these early contests and get momentum that way. But he lost the chance to get attention just by running. He didn’t just miss a chance to get good headlines the day after the votes; he missed the chance to get many headlines during the weeks leading up to them. Reporters can’t be blamed for paying attention to the early contests, and paying disproportionate attention to the candidates who were running in them.
Is it any coincidence that the three top candidates right now are the ones who didn’t try to game the system and instead ran national campaigns: McCain, Romney, and Huckabee?
By doing this, these candidates showed their mettle to voter in later states. Giuliani cratering in New York is not a matter of voters there disliking him, but a testament to the fact that so many refuse to take him seriously as a Presidential candidate after six weeks of mocking coverage. It’s easier to shift to their second choice (McCain) than to rationalize voting for someone who doesn’t appear to be “all-in.” A jumbled field does not call for strategic withdrawal. It means a political climate that is more forgiving of candidates who fight valiantly and lose.
Even in states where McCain, Romney, and Huckabee knew they would lose, they ran. McCain did a few Iowa events, and finished fourth. The Baptist preacher ran a spirited campaign in New Hampshire, and earned respect by finishing third with 12% of the vote. He then went on to Michigan, and got 15% of the vote. Neither of these setbacks caused him significant slippage in South Carolina, and he probably only lost because Romney and Thompson wouldn’t completely leave the field. And Romney didn’t lose points for getting 15% in South Carolina after pulling out of the state.
So what have we learned from the sequencing of these primaries about how and where it is most important to compete?
First off, the early calendar has shown us that Iowa and New Hampshire matter inordinately more than Michigan, South Carolina, Nevada, and Florida. Campaign coverage reaches a crescendo during those two events. The headlines auto-collected by my 2008 Presidential Wire tell the story. Here are the number of headlines mentioning each of the early states collected in the last 30 days:
Iowa 1,472
New Hampshire 1,003
South Carolina 468
Nevada 422
Florida 183
And what of media consumers? These trendlines are borne out in what voters are searching for online. This is the Google Trends chart for the elections in Iowa, New Hampshire, Michigan, etc.
In terms of public attention, each primary matters less than the one before (though we don’t have peak Sunday data for SC/NV). If follows that each primary therefore generates less and less momentum. That may point to a flaw in the Giuliani strategy of hoping for a huge momentum boost out of Florida that would carry him into a 22-state shootout on February 5th. Even the primaries that generated a huge amount of earned media did not necessarily crown the next event’s winner. Unless Rudy utterly crushed McCain in Florida, does it follow that Rudy would regain pole position in California and Illinois, not to mention the Tri-State area?
McCain and Romney have emerged as the most serious candidates based not necessarily on decisive victories but because of their overall performance. The evenly divided field has not created the multi-car pileup Giuliani had hoped for, but a field of bruised, half-dead candidates who still fight on and retain double digit support.
Even losses in Iowa and New Hampshire were not as fatal as many pundits presumed. Hillary is a good example, of course, but more tellingly, who would have predicted that Mitt Romney would still be around after sinking all that money into Iowa and New Hampshire and “winning the silver”?
The conventional wisdom says that if you fight hard in a state and lose, you’re done. (Giuliani’s withdrawals were predicated upon that assumption.) That’s only true if you pre-announce a single-state stand (Thompson in SC, and now Giuliani in FL.) But for candidates with real multi-state strategies, it is demonstrably false. Had Giuliani brought his A game to the early contests and lost more than he won, he would arguably be in the same or better position than he is in Florida today — and he would still be leading in his February 5th strongholds.
In a field like this, individual victories matter less, but losses matter less too. And just competing everywhere seems to count for a lot more than people would have thought a few weeks ago.
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The Importance of Field
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 21st, 2008 10:44 am 
A meeting of Clinton precinct captains in Nevada (Credit Zack Exley)
If you read nothing else about the Democratic race today, read Zack Exley’s riveting account of Clinton’s precinct organization in Nevada.
The Clinton campaign, with the Romney campaign as a runner-up, is the campaign that most reminds me of Bush-Cheney ‘04, with its focus on metrics, accountability, and long-term planning. Clinton arguably won both New Hampshire and Nevada on the back of a second-to-none field operation. In New Hampshire, the Clinton field team (led by the legendary Michael Whouley) knocked-and-dragged its way to a surprise victory with blue-collar voters in Manchester and Nashua.
This is yet another example of volunteer grassroots beating paid or rented grassroots (the Culinary Workers). At the end of the day, Local 226 wasn’t even able to deliver the casino precincts.
Unfortunately, the Republican race hasn’t seen as much of this kind of activity because of low fundraising, a jumbled calendar, and shifting polling. (How can you do microtargeting if you don’t know whether you’ll be placing 1st or 5th in a state two months out?) The Democrats have been able to concentrate greater resources on four essentially small states.
Regardless, the piece is a clear reminder of how this stuff is done — and a warning for November.
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links for 2008-01-21
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 21st, 2008 7:18 am
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links for 2008-01-20
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 20th, 2008 7:18 am-
Is he kidding me? A one-vote delegate lead? All that gets reported is popular vote total — even ersatz caucus “popular vote” totals — which feed into the momentum narrative. This is not the electoral college.
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No Tactical Voting in SC
by Patrick Ruffini :: January 20th, 2008 1:16 amThe scenario I laid out yesterday came to pass in South Carolina, with John McCain emerging victorious against a conservative field divided three ways, a field that was two parts Huckabee, one part Thompson, and one part Romney. Had just 20% of Mitt Romney’s voters voted tactically for Mike Huckabee, McCain would have been denied this needed momentum boost going into Florida and probably the nomination.
Despite the different actors and alliances in different states, we are beginning to see the real dividing lines of this campaign. It’s the battle of the moderates (McCain), metro conservatives (Romney), and rural conservatives (Huckabee). Stripped of all other hangers-on (Fred, and increasingly, Rudy), nationwide this divide seems to work out to about 40-40-20, or 35-40-25. Conservatives ought to be winning this battle, but Huckabee’s lock on the rural vote (just 16% of the vote in Charleston County, btw) will prevent any kind of clear two-man race before February 5th. Every day that Huckabee’s nice guy act is allowed to continue is a gift to John McCain — and he knows it.
Mitt Romney is fast becoming the candidate of conservatives in the suburbs and the exurbs. In Michigan, he dominated Oakland and Macomb counties with 46% of the vote in a multi-candidate field. In Nevada, he won most convincingly in Clark County. In Iowa, he did better in Des Moines than elsewhere in the state.
The Romney and McCain coalitions also overlap. They represent two different sides of the establishment coin, with McCain representing an older, mainline establishment — the Republican Party of Gerry Ford, Howard Baker, and Bob Dole — and Romney representing the brasher, post-Reagan establishment that was built on the tax issue and whose alliance with modern-day Huckabee voters allowed them to take control of the party in 1994.
Though vastly different in terms of ideology, the Romney and McCain people are still both the establishment — and they alternate control of state chairmanships, RNC seats, county committees, etc. It is perhaps not so surprising that the McCain camp reported that 45% of Romney “ones” in New Hampshire were also McCain “twos.” At the end of the day, McCain and Romney voters look more like each other than they do the Huckabee vote.
Tonight, the Romney and McCain vote at the county level in South Carolina was positively correlated at a mild but statistically recognizable level of 0.16 — a sign of their mutual strength in coastal resort counties. Both McCain and Romney overperformed in key establishment subgroups: Romney did better with pro-choice voters than pro-life voters, he pulled nearly twice as many votes among those not born in South Carolina (a key group for McCain in 2000 that he won more mutedly tonight), and also finished second amongst non-Evangelical voters, which McCain dominated. Despite all this, Romney did better amongst conservatives than non-conservatives, which by process of elimination leaves him particularly strong with the more secular, fiscally minded right.
The trouble for McCain is although he has probably secured the moderate berth in the finals (sorry, Rudy), he hasn’t made many inroads with the base and his vote still looks decidedly unlike what that of a GOP nominee should look like. To say that conservative South Carolinians somehow embraced McCain is to ignore the fact that McCain lost conservatives, pro-lifers, and Evangelicals, and eeked it out against the most divided field to date.
With Romney’s suburban base secure, for McCain to start racking up victory margins in the 40s — which he’ll need as candidates fade or drop out — he’d need to add votes from the Christian conservative base — from supporters of walking wounded like Huck and Fred. Because of their candidates’ personal animosities towards Romney, that is a distinct possibility that such an alliance could be forged — but it would be an alliance of opposites — of pro-life and pro-choice, of liberal and conservative, of secular and evangelical. I don’t know if conservatives are going to overlook that fact.
In the traditional middle of this fight is Mitt Romney, who strives to represent a sort of Goldilocks conservatism. The question is if center is big enough to hold this year.
On to Florida.




















